I thought so too. Until making an effort to find out more, and realising just how much the media tells us what to believe.
A few years ago, I arrived early to an event and didn’t really know many people there. Across the room was someone else in my situation, so I went over and introduced myself.
He told me his name, and that he was from Breitbart.
Horror, and panic: this was supposedly the hard right news website that backed the Tea Party in the US, and had now set up in Britain seemingly to help UKIP drain votes from the Conservatives, idiotically enabling the prospect of a Labour general election victory in 2015.
At least, that was what I’d read somewhere, or been told by someone, or something.
Months passed, and Nigel Farage was never, ever off the television or out of the newspapers, and in the meantime UKIP welcomed two defectors from the Conservative Party.
It never occurred to me that the mainstream media’s infatuation with UKIP’s then-leader might possibly have another motive – enabling the prospect of a Labour general election victory. Back then, no one thought UKIP would take votes off Labour.
May 2015 came and went, with a Conservative victory, and just a single UKIP candidate elected to Parliament.
Meanwhile, in the manner of distant gunfire, the name Milo Yiannopoulos began to appear more and more in the news.
His scathing review of the Ghostbusters movie remake lamented that black actress Leslie Jones’s character had been written as a ‘two-dimensional racist stereotype’. Twitter users snowballed it into a barrage of racist abuse toward Jones. She blamed Milo, he viciously denied it, she left Twitter, Twitter banned him.
I had direct experience of how journalists, in the scramble for sensation and immediacy, do little research other than to parrot what others have already published. The groupthink is compounded by a publication’s political affiliation.
If Milo was the extremist he was being made out to be, why wasn’t he being prosecuted? Being banned from several university speaking engagements just seemed to raise his profile.
I was intrigued, but knew I’d need to read, watch and hear him directly, not through a media filter. Try this post he wrote for Breitbart, about the Netflix series Dear White People, for starters.
Or this video of a speech given at Michigan State University, about Islam. I waited for prejudice, and a reason to switch off and never return to him. I’m still waiting.
Watch any of his many, many speeches. He uses the Left’s language of divide and rule against it, with the outrageous articulacy of a stand-up.
In summary, what he asks for is freedom and equality, regardless of race, religion, or anything else, and the Left, with their electoral model of playing off victim voter blocs against each other, hate him for it.
Read more here about how, for the Left, censorship is freedom, how Milo’s cloak of invulnerability finally failed him, and how we was fired from Breitbart.
By now, I was reading Breitbart every day, wanting a different slant on the American presidential race, and to know more than the mainstream media’s uniform portrayal of this exotic character Trump as a monster. I’d come a long way from the panic and horror of encountering a Breitbart reporter at an event.
I wanted to know who Andrew Breitbart was. So I read his autobiography.
For years, I’d seen how, in Britain, the Labour Party divides the country into grievance groups, addicts them to the state through welfare and public sector jobs, and prevents social mobility in order to maintain voter blocs.
Through Andrew Breitbart’s clear and candid prose, I discovered this is what the Democratic Party does as well, based on principles made famous by Saul Alinsky, the far-left campaigner that Hillary Clinton wrote a thesis about.
Andrew Breitbart grew up on the Left. He didn’t think too much about it, or politics. He was a web developer in the early days of the internet, and saw how traditional print and broadcast media ignored Bill Clinton scandal scoops by online journalism pioneer Matt Drudge but gave hours of coverage to Democrats attacking the President’s accusers.
So, he set up his own websites, to run the stories the mainstream media wouldn’t. He helped launch the career of undercover investigative guerilla journalist James O’Keefe. When the Tea Party emerged in the US, he unearthed footage disproving racist smears against it by Democrat politicians.
In summary, he realised that the Left had been fighting dirty for decades, aided by a complicit news media, and he fought back.
He died, in 2012, of heart failure. His work was continued by others, with Steve Bannon a co-founder and executive chairman of Breitbart until departing to run Donald Trump’s presidential campaign.
Find out for yourself.